ADDRESS
By
H.E.
Mr. Adrian Nastase, Prime Minister of Romania,
At
the 19+1 NAC Meeting with Romania
-
Brussels, April 16, 2002 -
I am delighted to be back here today. With the Prague Summit only seven months away, we are standing on the brink of a momentous decision that will transform an Alliance that has endured for more than 50 years and shape our own future. Our expectations are high because we want to be part of this Alliance that will continue to endure and evolve, bringing peace, security and prosperity to a community of nations who share common interests and values.
But
why should the 19 democratic and prosperous nations of the current NATO family
invite Romania to become a member? I will give you my answer. It is because we
can demonstrate that we will make a valuable contribution as a trusted and
reliable ally enhancing the health and security of the Alliance now and, more
importantly, in the future.
This
is not merely rhetoric, as I intend to show in my review of Romania’s
achievements over the past year and my vision of the part that Romania can play.
I then look forward to having an open and fruitful discussion with you. We will
be happy to answer your questions.
Let
me first introduce the members of my delegation. You probably already know our
NATO Team, accompanying me, namely Foreign Minister Geoana and Defense Minister
Pascu, Minister Mihailescu, the Secretary General of the Government, the State
Secretaries coordinating the MAP chapters, of course Ambassador Mazuru, and Mr.
Gyorgy Frunda, a member of the Democratic Union of the Hungarians from Romania,
a staunch supporter in Parliament of all legislation impacting on our NATO and
EU integration aspirations.
Let
me start by saying that the NATO partnership program and specifically the MAP
framework has helped Romania deliver reforms in both the civic and military
context that many would not have thought possible. NATO membership has presented
a strong motivation to accelerate the overall reform process.
We
are fighting corruption; we are privatizing the economy; we are reforming the
judiciary and our intelligence community; not just because these are essential
prerequisites for NATO membership, but because these measures are necessary to
build and develop a prosperous and stable democracy for the good of our society
as a whole. As to Defense capability, which is at the core of the crucial
accession test, the transformation of our Defense structures is now well
advanced and irreversible. We are now much better prepared to contribute forces
that are interoperable with NATO for crisis management.
You
have been able to judge for yourselves the extent of our preparedness through
the evaluations carried out by the International Staff as well as the many
visits from member states that we have hosted in Bucharest to assess our
progress. The tone and substance of these reports reflect the significant
progress we have been able to achieve while also pointing out what remains to be
done. This is invaluable to us as a planning tool as we progress towards Prague.
But Prague is not the end station. We are aware that invitation does not mean
full integration into the NATO structures. We know that after receiving the
invitation, we have to prepare and work even harder, with more dedication,
because the new status means also increased responsibilities. And we will
continue the MAP until we reach our goals.
The
advice that we have received from you, Secretary General and many other
distinguished representatives here today has been closely heeded and
incorporated in a reform agenda that was adopted by the Romanian parliament
earlier this month. This agenda, our so-called Blueprints for Reform, reflects
our main priorities for the months ahead. These priorities are: the fight
against corruption; accelerating the privatization process; pressing on with
military reform and ensuring sufficient funding in the future; ensuring security
of information; addressing all minority issues; combating human trafficking; and
implementing effective child protection policies.
These
blueprints set out the measures to be taken, the deadlines for completing them
and the resources required. We have already achieved two significant milestones
since the blueprints were adopted by Parliament. The first is the ratification
of the Civil Convention on Corruption. The second is Parliamentary adoption and
Presidential promulgation of legislation covering protection of classified
information, drafted with the valuable assistance of the NATO Office of Security
to ensure that it is compatible with the arrangements in place in the Allied
countries. Copies of the blueprints are in the folders that have been
distributed to you this afternoon.
My
government’s commitment to NATO membership is firm and irreversible. It is
backed strongly by 85% of our population. All political parties have pledged
support for the Government’s program to speed up preparations for membership.
This impressive support has given us the mandate to engage with full
responsibility, energy, and resources in the effort of accession.
Such
commitment will not be a surprise to anyone here given our response to the
tragic events of September 11th. Romania’s determination to act as a de facto
NATO ally, affirming our commitment to contribute to the fight against terrorism
and protect fundamental values whenever and wherever they might be threatened,
is a clear example of our society’s willingness and capability to assume
responsibilities and risks.
Political
stability is now a reality in Romania. Democratic principles and values are
strongly embedded. We are determined to confront and come to terms with the past
and we are resolved to eradicate extreme nationalism from our society. We are
teaching tolerance in our academic institutions and a law has recently been
adopted that bans any symbol or manifestation in connection with personalities
associated with war crimes. We have continued to improve inter-ethnic relations,
by allowing for the use of native language in areas where ethnic populations are
more than 20%. Inter-ethnic cooperation has had tangible political results as
well. As a result of the protocol concluded last year with the Hungarian
Democratic Union, we have been able to pass through Parliament dozens of pieces
of legislation initiated by Government. The situation of the Roma population has
improved significantly. Our child welfare system is undergoing drastic reform.
Economic
Reform
One
of our top priorities is to improve the overall economic situation.
Romania
is in its third year of healthy economic expansion, with 4.5% growth envisaged
for 2002. Statistics show 8% growth in industrial output and a rise of around
10% in exports for 2001. A sign that we are succeeding in reducing inflation is
the 0.4% figure for March 2002 – the lowest monthly figure since 1989. Major
privatization deals have been concluded, including one major bank and the
biggest steel plant in Eastern Europe. Similar deals will be completed this
year. As a result, we have concluded a new stand-by agreement with the IMF.
Legislation on small and medium sized enterprises has borne fruit. Slowly but
steadily, the entrepreneur mentality has taken deeper and stronger roots and the
Romanian middle class is growing.
Of
course there is still much to do. We need to strengthen our people’s trust in
public services and institutions. Assimilation of modern management procedures
in the private sector needs more support from the government. We still have to
overcome old economic mentalities, especially the fear of leaving the protection
of the public sector and competing in the riskier environment of a free market.
It takes time and energy to overcome this mentality but we are confident that
the benefits that are there for all to see will be the engine of change. The
government will play its part and provide a fair economic environment through
pursuing reforms according to EU membership requirements.
We
still have to wage war on corruption, a fight that I am personally committed to
win. We have tried in the past to curb corruption in Government and business
but, for a variety of reasons, we achieved only limited results. This time there
is real political will and determination to confront the problem once and for
all. We are better placed now to succeed for three main reasons.
Firstly,
the business environment is healthier. We have accelerated privatization. The
economic environment has improved, reducing the need to bribe for personal gain.
We have increased transparency by introducing e-privatization and on-line
government procurement. We have streamlined procedures for foreign investors.
Secondly,
we have reinforced legal measures. Law enforcement institutions have been
strengthened and assets of judges and police officers are closely monitored
following a program launched in November last year. A few weeks ago, we set up a
new institution, namely the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office that will have
the necessary powers and resources to start work before September. A new
anti-corruption legislative package has recently been adopted.
Thirdly,
and perhaps most important, we are breeding a new generation in our society that
will not tolerate the corrupt excesses of former times. These are the people we
are asking to implement these measures. They are young, many of them Western
educated, and approach the problem with a different mind-set.
Defense
Reform
Of
course, NATO membership is about values, but it is also about security, the
value that can only be satisfied by a credible, modern, reliable, accountable
military force and Defense establishment. We have managed to produce
considerable results during the 3rd MAP cycle, even though this required
difficult decisions. Last year I said that the Defense budget would grow year on
year, and would be no less than 2% of GDP. The Defense budget for 2002 is more
than 1 billion $, which is 2.38% of GDP. This level of re-sourcing is assured as
the government has adopted a budget profile for Defense for the period 2003 –
2005, to be incorporated in the White Paper on National Security and Defense to
be adopted by Parliament. More importantly, we have completely revised our
Defense planning system, ensuring appropriate civilian control in allocating
resources, and in setting priorities.
We
have continued the process of downsizing and restructuring our armed forces. The
human dimension of the reform has been a priority. The aim is to reach a
flexible structure two years from now that meets NATO requirements in terms of
sustainability, deploy ability, and interoperability using smaller, more mobile
forces. This will be partly achieved by increasing the operational teeth while
reducing the administrative tail. This will enable us to respond effectively to
the missions of tomorrow, including the fight against terrorism, and operate
effectively with NATO. These elements are included in our new plan called
Objective Force, that envisages a gradual decrease in the force size by 2007 to
90000 personnel, thereby freeing resources for increased training and
modernization, including major equipment purchases.
Tangible
progress has been achieved as far as personnel management is concerned. A
western-style career management system has been in place since last August. More
than half of those trained abroad in NATO countries have been promoted and have
been assigned in key positions in the General Staff and other central MoD
bodies.
The
goal is to put the best person in the right place at the right time in his or
her career and to eradicate nepotism and patronage. We are also considering ways
to speed up the process of fully professionalizing the armed forces.
The
social dimension of military reform is important to us as well. We want to
ensure that personnel leaving the armed forces are reintegrated successfully
into civil society. To this end, redundant personnel who asked for counseling,
training or help in finding new jobs were provided with assistance through the
reconversion program funded by the World Bank. The rhythm could have been higher
and we are looking to improve the uptake of this service by a pro-active
information program.
Of
course, serious problems still have to be addressed. Prominent among these is
the disposal of redundant military equipment. This is proceeding slowly due to
the lack of funds for de-commissioning armaments and weaponry.
However,
procedures are in place to regulate the sale of such equipment and eliminate the
risk of sales to undesirable parties. The message I want to convey is that we
are not complacent about what we have achieved. We are well aware of the
difficulties to be overcome. We are actively seeking solutions but we also know
that there are no quick fixes. We need your continued advice and assistance; we
need your involvement and together we will succeed.
Romania’s Contribution
Today,
Romania has more than 400 troops in both KFOR and SFOR serving alongside NATO
nations. Every Romanian knows that solidarity with our friends and allies is not
just a simple word used by politicians. It requires commitment and sometimes
sacrifice. I remember a war story that I once heard. An injured soldier
somewhere in the jungle was waiting for help.
A
rescue team reached him by chance and was surprised to hear the private say:
“I was sure you would come”.” Why?” they asked.” Because you are my
buddies!” the soldier replied. I think this is exactly what happened after the
September 11th attacks.
Romania,
together with other candidate countries, chose to act as an ally by assuming the
central obligation of NATO – Article V of the Washington Treaty. We wanted to
provide concrete support to military operations. We opened our airspace,
airfields and port facilities to Allied forces and all members of the coalition.
We were proud to be asked to contribute and even prouder to be able to
demonstrate our ability to deploy out of area by sending a contingent of
military police to Afghanistan, in our own planes, to participate in ISAF. In
other words, we were there when our help was needed. We will be there whenever
it is needed in the future.
But
even before September 11th, Romania proved that it was a security provider
rather than a security consumer. We have accumulated valuable experience in the
broad European context. The Romanian OSCE Chairmanship-in-Office gave us the
opportunity to assume challenging responsibilities. We succeeded in rising to
the challenge. Last year we opened doors and facilitated dialogue in areas torn
by never-ending conflicts, for instance in the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia where the OSCE-EU-NATO troika played a substantial role in defusing
the crisis.
Within
South East Europe, we have taken a number of initiatives to consolidate regional
responsibility, for instance coordinating a new initiative of South East
European Defense Ministers on counter terrorism. We want to continue to promote
the principle of regional ownership. We want to reverse the perception that
South East Europe is a place where peace is the exception and replace it with
the proof that this is an area where cooperation is possible and common actions
prevail over competing national interests.
New NATO
I
believe that a new alliance emerged from the horrors of September 11. The 19
NATO members and 10 new democracies acting as de facto allies came together for
a shared purpose. The world will never be the same. As the world is changing, so
NATO must change too. If Europe is to grow together, if it is to overcome once
and for all the old divisions of the Cold War, key institutions like NATO cannot
remain geared to the past, neither in their policies, nor in their membership.
NATO
has proved to be the most successful Defense alliance in history. NATO succeeded
in adapting throughout the 1990’s to the new post Cold War security
environment. NATO has continued to be the main expression of the transatlantic
link. Today, when new threats to security emerge, such as terrorism,
proliferation of WMD, organized crime, NATO should be strengthened as the main
pillar of Euro-Atlantic Defense and security.
We
care about NATO’s future. We believe NATO should remain an effective military
organization having at its core the transatlantic link. This is where the new
Allies can prove their value. We believe Romania can play a strategic role: by
reinforcing the South Eastern flank of the alliance, the most exposed to the new
threats; by providing a natural springboard to the Caucasus, our immediate
neighbors, and a safe corridor for vital Caspian energy resources; and by
consolidating, together with Bulgaria, Turkey and Greece, the Southern security
belt of the old Europe.
Whatever
the size of NATO’s enlargement, a robust mechanism that links NATO with the
rest of Europe, with the Caucasus, and with Central Asia is of fundamental
importance. We are following with interest the new relationship that NATO
develops with Russia, with the democratic, responsible Russia, engaged alongside
us in the fight against new threats. Romania itself is well advanced on the road
of rebuilding a new relationship with Russia, adapted to our times, and is close
to concluding negotiations on the bilateral Basic Treaty. Our rediscovery of the
Russia of today is synchronized with the process of enhancing the relationship
between Russia and “the 19”.
Before
closing, let me say a word about the Parliaments. We have welcomed the demarches
of NATO Parliamentarians to gain multi-party support for a robust and
geographically balanced enlargement at Prague. These encourage and oblige us.
They help us to keep up the pace of reforms, even when these reforms are painful
or costly. They indicate that, once invited, if we continue the good work, our
Accession Protocols will be ratified.
This
is my last opportunity to speak to you before the Prague Summit, so allow me to
speak for my people as well as my government. Millions of Romanians will wait
for a favorable decision from your governments because they truly believe
Romania belongs to the Western community of values.
Irrespective
of the outcome, we will continue our reforms because we know we must, for our
own sake. But let me say this. Even before 1989, we always felt that we were
part of the Western community. An invitation at Prague will help us recover the
feeling that we are bound together and will grow stronger together. We fervently
hope that Romania will be invited to join NATO this year. We entrust our future
to you.